The relationship between Italy and the United States remains solid, fueled not only by fruitful economic, political, and social relations, but also by deep-seated roots. The American constitutional architecture, for instance, owes a debt (one that is not always acknowledged) to Italian political thought: from the Venetian principle of the balance of powers passed down to the Founding Fathers, to the link between good laws and public happiness developed by Gaetano Filangieri, to Cesare Beccaria’s proportionality of punishment, which was later reflected in the Bill of Rights. Added to this heritage is the contribution of the great migration, which populated American factories, construction sites, universities, and research laboratories, eventually giving rise to a global community of Italian descendants estimated at around 80 million people—the second-largest national diaspora in the world after the Chinese.
A more complex current picture rests upon this historical foundation. At the social level, data on mutual perceptions confirm a structural asymmetry: Italian public opinion follows US events with constant attention, yet the American media does not reciprocate. Americans tend to hold a positive but uninformed image of Italy, while Italians express an ambivalent attitude, fluctuating according to the political color of the administration in Washington. On the economic front, the picture is even more multifaceted: American investments in Italy are constrained by the country’s regulatory and bureaucratic complexity, whereas Italian exports to the United States demonstrate surprising resilience, showing double-digit growth despite the current administration’s tariff policies. Exports are driven by historically strong sectors of Italian industry, such as pharmaceuticals, precision mechanics, automation, and aerospace. Furthermore, it is not just the industrialized north that takes center stage: the Mezzogiorno (Southern Italy) is emerging as a strategic hub for bilateral relations, through industrial districts, a military presence, and growing direct air connectivity.
At the political and governmental level, there is a perceived marginalization of Italy compared to America’s main European allies. This perception is reinforced by a historical deficit in the projection of national hard power. However, this view is partially unjustified, especially in light of Italy’s contribution to peacekeeping missions in various crisis areas. Italy needs to leverage its geopolitical role, working alongside European neighbors to fill the vacuums temporarily left open by the scaling back of US multilateral engagement.
Moreover, relations between Italy and the United States must be viewed in light of scientific collaboration, which is increasingly central to strengthening competitiveness, innovation, and shared values. It is important to note that the transatlantic research ecosystem is undergoing a delicate phase of transformation. In the United States, public research funding mechanisms are going through a period of review, accompanied by growing uncertainty regarding allocation criteria. Such a scenario, combined with a climate perceived as less welcoming toward foreign researchers, risks compromising America’s historical role as a magnet for global talent. At this juncture, the Italian scientific community in the United States—which today numbers over 15,000 people—can emerge as a bridging infrastructure between two complementary ecosystems: Italy, with its scientific creativity and fundamental research capacity, despite a lack of resources; and the United States, with a system capable of rapidly turning discovery into innovation through the integration of universities, research centers, industry, and venture capital. Capitalizing on this opportunity requires, first and foremost, concrete actions. For example, two-way exchange programs for researchers should be promoted, greater openness of Italian universities to private initiatives encouraged, and technology transfer hubs established, that are dedicated to small and medium-sized manufacturing enterprises.
More generally, scientific collaboration between Italy and the United States will need to move along two main tracks. First of all, by building stable collaborative networks capable of sharing data, infrastructure, and personnel over the long term—moving beyond the logic of sporadic agreements. And secondly, safeguarding basic research, recognizing it as a driver of scientific sovereignty for both countries. In this regard, Italy must navigate a European scenario where strategic autonomy remains a challenge, without becoming a drag on innovation. Indeed, if the perimeter of “sensitive data” reserved exclusively for European technologies were to expand beyond defense and intelligence to include health, energy, and research data, Europe would ultimately be excluded from the most advanced technologies.
Scientific research and technology transfer remain top priorities in maintaining excellent transatlantic relations. Italy is called upon to invest in a structural—rather than episodic—manner in networks of people, academic exchanges, and cultural projection, strengthening ties with the United States and fostering a path of reciprocity. The country should pursue US investments in artificial intelligence applied to manufacturing and robotics with greater determination, strengthening its own industrial and scientific fabric. Italy’s overall challenge is twofold: to strengthen its scientific and cultural soft power through targeted, long-term investments, and to develop a more credible strategic projection capability. Without this commitment, the heritage of the Italian-American relationship risks failing to fully translate into a political, economic, and technological partnership. Cultivating this legacy through consistent, long-term investments remains, for both countries, the prerequisite for transforming a historical bond into a shared competitive advantage.